National Dialogue for Peace, Unity, and Afghanistan’s Post-Conflict Future

In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

Respected sisters, honorable brothers, dear compatriots, all esteemed attendees of this gathering, the First Lady of the country, Respected Mr. Muslimyar, honorable members of the cabinet, Respected Mr. Kashaf, and Respected Mr. Daudzai; First of all, I offer you the gift of the leader of humanity; Peace be upon you, and the mercy of Allah and His blessings!

At the outset, I thank you and offer my congratulations. I thank all the members of the six committees and twenty-four working groups for their active participation. Today, you sisters and brothers have reflected and debated upon a vital issue that will determine the trajectory of Afghanistan not just for one year, but for the next one hundred years—and perhaps the next four hundred years. Your discussions have been exceptionally constructive. I congratulate you and thank you for your efforts.

Your debate is representative of modern Afghanistan. When we look at external media outlets, they mostly focus on the Afghanistan of the distant past. Our problem is that the image presented of our great nation differs fundamentally from the true reality of our people.

This nation is a nation of dignity, a nation of bravery, and a nation of unity!

Those on the outside think that this great nation is still the exact same nation it was forty years ago. Let everyone awaken to the reality that whether an Afghan is a youth, a woman, a religious scholar, a member of civil society, a representative of the private sector, a member of parliament, a senator, a farmer, or a laborer—they possess intellect, they understand their national interests, and they count on their national interests.

Sisters and brothers, we have seen these historical chapters unfold before us. If someone has seen a film once, will they be deceived by it a second time? Especially when that someone is an Afghan.

Thirdly, I want to offer my congratulations because without the working groups having to consult one another beforehand, a clear and comprehensive perspective has emerged today—both regarding our future steps and the pulse and voice of the nation. I congratulate you from the depths of my heart. As a result of this meeting, I can today proudly and honorably represent this collective national voice!

As I was taking notes, I have summarized eleven distinct points from your findings.

Convening the Grand Consultative Peace Jirga

First, this country is the homeland of Jirgas (grand councils); this country is the homeland of consultations. In order for your consultation to become broader and nationwide, and to culminate in a Grand Consultative Jirga, it is accepted upon my eyes and head!

Mr. Daudzai, in your capacity as the Head of the Secretariat of the High Peace Council, I call upon you to organize and convene this Grand Consultative Jirga in Kabul by the end of the month of Hoot. The government and all segments of society will stand with you. My request is that you invite all prominent figures of Afghanistan as guests. This is a single home; let us come together to find a single, unified voice.

In a unified home, there is no need for fractured voices. Did this great nation not forge the pathway toward a legitimate government during the Emergency Loya Jirga? Did it not succeed in ratifying our national charter during the Constitutional Loya Jirga? We seek consultation; there is absolutely no harm in consultation, and we call upon all strata of the nation to participate. My request to Mr. Daudzai is that, much like the organization of the Emergency Loya Jirga, the people must truly choose and determine their own representatives.

We will not appoint anyone. The entire nation of Afghanistan is my people, and I hold no personal preference among them! I am the President of Afghanistan, I am President by the power of the people, and what meaning does a President hold without the nation? It is you who constitute the nation, and the true voice of the nation must be raised high so that the world may hear it.

In this forum, all non-negotiable values must be clearly defined. We must speak explicitly about the scope of flexibility, as well as the true cost of peace and war, so that the nation can reach an unambiguous consensus.

Post-Peace Strategy and Economic Equality

Second, we spoke about the future of peace and the post-peace era. I have good news for you: the state's serious work regarding the future of Afghanistan after achieving peace has already begun. Inshallah, during the first week of the month of Hamal, the Third Kabul Process Conference will focus precisely on this theme—how to make Afghanistan self-reliant, sustain a permanent and lasting peace, and transform it into a prosperous country once peace is established.

In particular, I want to express my profound gratitude to the European Union, which has extended an immense commitment to become a major partner for post-peace Afghanistan. I firmly believe that our partnerships for peace will be far broader and more expansive than our partnerships for war ever were.

In this context, let us not forget that as long as Afghanistan has millions of refugees abroad, permanent peace will not come to the country. The dignified and gradual return of all Afghans to the embrace of their homeland must be one of the primary objectives of the Third Kabul Process Conference.

Until we address our one million internally displaced persons (IDPs), true stability remains out of reach. Go and see the displaced people of Helmand; go and see the displaced people of Faryab; go and see the displaced people across all of Afghanistan. This level of extreme disparity is unacceptable.

The most critical point, sisters and brothers, is that every single night, thirty percent of your compatriots go to bed hungry. In a country where Allah (SWT) has blessed you with abundant water, fertile land, and rich mineral wealth, this is unacceptable. A clear framework must be established to ensure economic equality for all Afghans, particularly for the women of Afghanistan.

Electoral Reform and Democratic Legitimacy

Third, your consensus is entirely clear: transparent presidential elections are the fundamental demand of the nation. There is a total consensus that the current electoral commissions have failed to fulfill the aspirations of the people. A consensus has been forged that the Electoral Law must be amended, and based on this amendment, transparent, accountable, and nationwide elections will be conducted. There is a manifest necessity that complaints against the commissions must have a legal recourse, and that recourse can be none other than the judicial and legal institutions of Afghanistan.

The President of Afghanistan does not interfere in the elections, nor has he ever done so, and those who did interfere must be held accountable before the nation.

Deeply Rooted Islamic Values and National Autonomy

Fourth, we were Muslims, we are Muslims, and we will remain Muslims until eternity. Let there be no doubt or ambiguity that this country is built upon, and has always been shaped by, Islamic values. This is that firm rope—Respected Mr. Kashaf, Respected Mr. Muneeb, Respected Mr. Bahlool, and all the religious scholars who are with us here... The issue is not, God forbid, that Islam is in danger; the issue is that our respected scholars must interpret and project the pure Islam that we have practiced for centuries. I say this with ultimate humility: let no one from the outside lecture us on Islam. If anyone has the capacity to teach us, why did our scholars rise to prominence long before the scholars of Indonesia or the holy city of Mecca? I specifically thank our religious scholars from the depths of my heart for their historic, united fatwa.

When 2,960 religious scholars of Afghanistan gathered, they had three choices. First, to say do not choose war; second, to act like the scholars of a neighboring country who fail to defend their own state and the religion of Islam. They did not do that. Because a fatwa does not apply to only one country; an Islamic fatwa applies to the entire Islamic world. In the fatwas of some other nations, they would claim it only applied to the fringes of their country. At what point in the clear religion of Islam is a fatwa ever restricted to just one country?

The third choice, which you made, established with verses from the Quran, Hadith, and absolute logic that peace is the command of Allah and reflects the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). I state clearly in this hall: if it were not for the fatwa of our religious scholars, I could not have declared a ceasefire. Because you issued that fatwa, I declared a ceasefire within four days. What is this an example of? It proves that our state constitution is Islamic; the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan is Islamic, and our people are Muslim. What do we want for the women of Afghanistan? The rights of Bibi Khadija and Bibi Aisha. If anyone wishes to dispute that, they would have to completely disregard everything since the inception of Islam.

If it were not for Bibi Aisha (RA), what percentage of prophetic traditions would we possess in our hands today? Let us not forget, Bibi Khadija was perhaps the greatest businesswoman in the entire world at that time. It took European women nineteen centuries to gain property ownership rights, whereas a Muslim woman possessed rights and duties from day one; this is entirely clear. The religious scholars are the vehicle to make this happen, and it is absolutely essential that we look into the experiences of Indonesia, Malaysia, and other nations where Muslim women have taken an active, substantial role.

In Qatar, the absolute majority of students and professors are women; they want that for themselves, yet they prescribe something entirely different for us. This is completely unacceptable. When the Afghan woman was educated, she was the mother of Mirwais Nika and the mother of Ahmad Shah Baba. Look at Gawhar Shad Begum—we have had thousands of prominent women who possessed literacy, logic, and were strictly bound to Islamic principles and laws. There should be no notion here that one value stands in contradiction to another. Islam is in the very clay and blood of the Afghan people, and we can never forget it.

Honoring National Forces, Legal Reform, and Reintegration

Fifth, thank you for your comprehensive support of the heroic security and defense forces of Afghanistan. A new equation has emerged. Yesterday, I was in Ghani Khel—the very district that used to be the center of Daesh. Mr. Mohib, Mr. Muslimyar, our sister Malalai Shinwari, and other brothers were with us. Yesterday was a day filled with pride because the National Army, National Police, and National Security, together with the heroic people of Nangarhar, succeeded in clearing a massive area from the enemy's influence. In this regard, I also want to specifically mention the role of Governor Hayat, the former governor of Nangarhar, who has now been appointed to Kandahar.

Rumors were spread that I removed him because I want to accommodate land grabbers—meaning, in their words, to settle things smoothly with them. Our fight against land grabbing continues exactly as you have demanded. We will leave no space for land grabbers. A land grabber has no place in a sustainable peace! And now, Inshallah, Mr. Hayat will perform the exact same work in Kandahar that he accomplished in Nangarhar.

Our security and defense forces are truly a source of pride, and it must be clear that these forces do not fight merely for 15,000 or 30,000 Afghanis. Their sacrifice knows no bounds. I will give you an example from a short while ago: Dr. Mohib and Amrullah Saleh went out at around 9 or 10 PM and toured various checkpoints in Kabul. You should know that among all of them—Mr. Mohib is present here and you can ask Mr. Saleh—not a single person made a personal request. Is that not so, Mr. Mohib? Not a single police officer had a personal demand. Every one of them possesses a national spirit, and I take immense pride in this national spirit of our security and defense forces. However, there is also a clear necessity within the framework of the peace program that we think seriously about the future of the Taliban fighters, creating a fundamental mechanism to absorb them back into society.

We are currently in a state of enmity. Anyone who does not accept the flag of Afghanistan, does not accept the Constitution of Afghanistan, and has raised a weapon is today in a state of enmity; however, we want to transform this into friendship. As long as they launch attacks, Allah (SWT) has commanded you to defend yourselves, but we do not want this bloodshed to continue. One thing I have pondered: if on the Day of Judgment, Allah (SWT) asks me on what grounds He should grant me intercession and forgive me, I will tell Him that I established a ceasefire in Afghanistan. After 40 years, the children of Afghanistan celebrated Eid in peace.

In the city of Kabul, you witnessed that the day felt six hours longer. At 10 PM, Dr. Fazly and I went and sat in a coffee shop to watch a football match for 15 minutes. In my entire life, I had never found the time to watch 15 minutes of football; but that specific day was truly a happy day. Therefore, you must believe that creating the conditions for a ceasefire is a foundational issue for us. You requested me to declare that we will give the Taliban an office! Not only will I give them an office, but I will also protect their security, and Mr. Daudzai will personally oversee their safety. Mr. Amarkhil will handle his part... and if anyone causes too much trouble, Mr. Kashaf will go after them with his walking stick! [Laughter]

Similarly, prisoners are a humanitarian issue. Regarding prisoners, we are ready to engage in direct talks. Do you honestly think I want an Afghan to remain in prison unnecessarily for even a single day? How many times have I personally visited Pul-e-Charkhi? Did I not order the construction of the new building in the dead of winter because the prisoners requested it? And did I not order the re-evaluation of all their legal dossiers? Truly, Mr. Atayi is sitting right here. By the grace of Allah, our Supreme Court has undergone an immense transformation, but past judicial verdicts must be reviewed. What just judge can claim that every single past decision was entirely fair? We must re-evaluate. If no guilt is found, the punishment must be reconsidered. However, the point is that this cannot happen overnight; it must be part of a systematic program that maintains public trust. We cannot release individuals out of mere sentimentality only for them to return tomorrow and carry out suicide bombings and explosions. But as a major topic of discussion, this issue is fundamental, and we have absolutely no doubt or hesitation about it.

I say to all the Taliban: whatever topic you wish to discuss, Bismillah! I was born in the homeland of Jirgas, and I was raised in Jirgas! In a Jirga, a person does not dictate the agenda entirely in advance. Through the process of a Jirga, people come together to lay out the issues, and these are resolved through mutual give-and-take. For thousands of years, we have run this country through Jirgas; so let us run it through them once again. This is imperative.

Constitutional Legitimacy and National Sovereignty

The seventh point concerns the ownership and leadership of the peace process. Let one point be entirely clear: the state speaks strictly on behalf of the nation. Every word you have spoken reflects what is in my heart, and every point I presented in my peace plan in Geneva is the direct result of your views. If I spoke strongly on the status of women, it is because the women of Afghanistan instructed me to take that exact stance. If I spoke of the youth, and specifically of our religious scholars and the private sector, it was for this very reason.

The private sector needs peace just as it needs oxygen; but our goal is a sustainable, dignified peace. Therefore, what is the core issue? If you desire a dignified peace, there must be no division between the state and the nation. Those who wish to divert this process down other paths should think again. What do they mean? Suppose we go and reach a treaty; ultimately, it must come to me for execution. Do we have any other authority or institution to give it executive force? I have already declared in advance that I want to sign the peace treaty in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques told me, "You are welcome a thousand times over." Do you instead want to declare and sign it in Moscow? Good luck to you!

The key point here that I must explain is that they come and talk about this seat. Sisters and brothers! Did this presidential seat come to me as an inheritance from my father, or does it belong to you? The presidential seat belongs to the nation of Afghanistan. Make a clear distinction between the person of Ashraf Ghani, the President of Afghanistan, and the institution of the Presidency.

Am I not uncompromising when it comes to personal matters? Once, Respected Mr. Karzai was angry with me and reclaimed his house from me twice. I told him, "Upon my eyes." Mr. Daudzai stands witness to this. I said, "If you want the property of my grandfather, I will give you that too." But this presidency is not my personal property; it is the constitutional mandate of the nation. We must clearly understand here that only the nation can choose to make personal concessions. It is for this reason that we demand transparent elections. Anyone else in my position would say, "Let me just continue in this seat," and wherever I go, I would carry this seat with me.

This Arg is the home of the nation. We are accountable, and you administered the oath of office to me. Our religious scholars will remember—right here! In that oath, was the protection and preservation of the Constitution not my primary duty?! If I deviate from the Constitution, by what authority do I do so? By what logic?

Does this great nation of Afghanistan, whose representatives are seated here today, allow anyone to completely dismantle the state after all these years? Let it be clear here: this is why we say let us hold elections. Whomever the nation places its hand upon, I will hand over the responsibility to them. But for a few individuals to sit in a distant location and say, "We are establishing an interim government because we do not like the beard of Ashraf Ghani"—this nation did not vote for my person; they demanded logic, intellect, and a commitment. I will not break that commitment!

Economic Self-Reliance and Regional Connectivity

In this regard, the eighth point is that creating a regional and international consensus is our duty. I hope one thing has been proven to this great nation: your servant has played a constructive role in defining our interests and shifting global and regional perceptions. After one hundred and seventeen years, have we not bridged the separation with Central Asia?

In the past, every time they closed Torkham or Boldak against you, it felt like doomsday in Kabul. Now, let them close it a hundred times. What change will it cause in Kabul?! However, we desire connection, not separation. We opened Central Asia precisely to connect it with Pakistan and India. Let someone tell me if your President has ever represented this country with a lack of dignity even for a single day. Whomever has visited us at any level, ask them whether your interests were defended with intellect, logic, and sound argument, and whether those interests have shifted or not! We do not want, God forbid, to remain perpetually dependent on one power or another.

We must stand on our own feet. There is a proverb in Pashto:

"A borrowed bed only lasts until midnight."

They will take it away from you in the middle of the night anyway, will they not? Build your own bed, and you will sleep on it forever. Your sleep will be peaceful.

Our discussions with the world are based on logic and mutual interests; this is not a matter of raw emotion. You must not grow anxious. We must act with calmness and balance; the benefit will be achieved. I want to reassure this great nation that our discussions with the world are on the right track. Inshallah, we will ultimately stand entirely on our own feet.

Our domestic revenues have risen by 90 percent over the past four years. Our exports will also, Inshallah, definitely reach one billion dollars this year, but this is not enough. These revenues must double, and our exports must triple. You are capable of achieving this. What is the main hurdle? It is peace. When peace comes, economic growth will, Inshallah, naturally follow.

Cultural Evolution and National Unity

The ninth point is the preservation and expansion of our achievements. Preservation alone is not enough. Thank you for mentioning Bibi Gul and myself regarding the creation of a contemporary and active role for women. You constitute fifty percent of society; this is still not enough, and Inshallah, your role will expand further.

What truly brings me pride today, and for which I thank you, is the complete harmony among Afghanistan's generations. The young generation, women, scholars, and tribal elders are all gathered under one single roof; this is our national unity and our shared aspiration. With this foundation of national unity, we can achieve anything.

Therefore, the tenth point is that a national dialogue to foster a culture of peace must be genuinely established and expanded. The Minister of Education, the Minister of Higher Education, the Ministry of Hajj and Religious Affairs, and all our comprehensive institutions must drive toward a major cultural transformation. In this cultural shift, the role of the state is not to dominate society, but to serve it. Unfortunately, in our interactions, we often become angry and impatient far too quickly. Peace does not come through impatience or raw emotion. We must possess tolerance. We must be purposeful. For this to happen, a massive national dialogue is required so that we can implement this culture of peace and mutual acceptance.

Every segment of this great nation is the pride of this nation. Our Turkic languages are a vital vehicle for our connectivity with Central Asia, Turkey, and the Caucasus. Who would ever seek to diminish a major language of connectivity? Amir Ali-Shir Nava'i is the great hero of Uzbekistan, yet his resting place and cradle is Herat.

Cultural Integration, Linguistic Heritage, and Civic Identity

We possess one thousand years of documented Dari history. Back when Iran under the Pahlavi dynasty designated its language differently, we maintained the usage of the historical term "Dari." Often, we find ourselves unfamiliar with the true depths of our own historical legacy. Dari has served as a primary vehicle of national connectivity for a millennium, exerting fundamental influences over Uzbek, Pashto, and our various other regional languages. In the coming year, we will formally celebrate a thousand years of Dari literature, alongside a parallel commemoration for the Pashto language.

Is there a single Kuchi nomad engaged in trade who does not comprehend Dari? It functioned naturally as the language of the marketplace and the language of the court. Where is the contradiction in this?

Presently, several million compatriots who spent decades in Pakistan do not fully speak Dari, while millions who returned from Iran are unfamiliar with Uzbek or Pashto. We must not blame them for this. Instead, we must systematically establish educational frameworks that enable our citizens to relearn these regional languages. It is essential at this juncture—Respected Mr. Daudzai—that a comprehensive and inclusive definition of what constitutes an Afghan is explicitly affirmed within the upcoming Grand Consultative Jirga. An Afghan is anyone who claims affiliation with this identity. No matter which corner of the globe they reside in, they are an Afghan, and no one can strip them of this fundamental right. Our national embrace must remain wide and inclusive. You possess an immense human capital that, Inshallah, will accelerate the economic development of Afghanistan very rapidly.

Moving toward an Afghan-Led Reconciliation

My final point is that you have outlined a series of distinct responsibilities for the state in general, and for your President in particular. Rest assured that the sudden notes I recorded today were merely the quick outlines of a student; all your views will be systematically synthesized, packaged, and transformed into concrete, actionable steps. I lack the words to thank you all sufficiently. May your homes remain prosperous, and may Allah protect you!

Today, following our declaration of unconditional negotiations, the implementation of a nationwide ceasefire, and the conclusions of the Tashkent and Geneva conferences, we have initiated an entirely new consultative process. This marks a monumental step forward because a genuine, effective, and comprehensive national consensus is taking visible shape. I request Mr. Rahimi and the honorable members of our national negotiating team to record every single point raised here with precise care, as this shared national vision will guide our steps forward.

Our intentions toward the Taliban are rooted in peace; we possess a genuine political will for reconciliation. We recognize that you are Afghans; therefore, recognize your fellow Afghans in return and return home to this country.

A few days ago, a large tribal delegation from Momand Dara visited me. Mr. Faridun Khan Momand spoke first, followed by an elder who was a former member of the Taliban. He stated:

"Our religion is one, our country is one, our love is one, and our mutual interests are one."

He concluded that he ultimately realized his proper place was to stand alongside his own brothers and sisters. This path of return remains entirely open to all. Wagering war is a remarkably easy task—anyone can inflict death on a daily basis—but forgeing peace demands genuine courage. Peace requires mutual trust, an alignment with Islamic principles, and a complete submission to the will of Allah (SWT). We possess this intent, this trust, and this political will.

If anyone demands proof of our diplomatic capability, ask yourselves who managed to convince international partners three years ago that political negotiations were the only viable path forward? Who provided that strategic conviction? We provided that conviction! When an issue can be resolved collaboratively among Afghans, a foreign mediator—even a neighbor—will naturally look after their own interests first, rather than focusing entirely on yours.

Through direct intra-Afghan negotiations, we can reach an equilibrium with one another. If neighbors dictate our agenda, telling one group or another to avoid certain topics or to accept some individuals while excluding others, a durable outcome will remain elusive. Let the nation decide its own destiny.

Preserving State Stability to Prevent Past Tragedies

What is my ultimate personal aspiration? My dream is to return with dignity to my ancestral village, and there establish two foundations: one dedicated to the preservation of Afghan culture, and the other focused on agricultural development and national growth. I believe it is the dream of every Afghan to return peacefully to their ancestral home without facing undue hardship, to walk freely, and to breathe the air of peace. However, I cannot return permanently to that village nestled at the foot of Sultan Baba until every single village across Afghanistan experiences absolute peace. All Afghans must have that equal right. I refused to deploy security forces to protect my personal village, because how can I live in absolute security when my nation continues to live in insecurity?

Today marks the anniversary of a very dark period in our history. I offer my profound condolences to all the victims of the tragedies in Afshar and across Kabul that occurred twenty-six years ago. This serves as a permanent historical reminder of the catastrophic events that can befall a population when a functional state with cohesive institutions ceases to exist.

The core aspiration of the Afghan people, which you have eloquently articulated today, serves as my final message: the realization of an effective, transparent, and accountable state that is forged by the will of the people and remains answerable to the citizens of Afghanistan. This state, Inshallah, is coming. I wish you all a pleasant evening and continued success.

Long live Afghanistan!