National Unity and the Strategic Reimagining of Refugee Return, Migration, and Afghan Human Capital

Speech at the Closing Ceremony of the Symposium on the Return of Afghan Refugees

Keypoints: 

• Migration and displacement: Addressing the long-lasting crisis of migration and displacement.
• Peace and stability: Achieving lasting peace by solving refugee and displacement issues.
• Diaspora as an asset: Leveraging the global diaspora as a vital resource for the nation.
• Lack of reliable data: Developing accurate data systems to understand the diaspora better.
• Reintegration approach: Providing jobs, housing, and dignity to support those returning.
• Internal displacement: Managing the large-scale displacement caused by ongoing conflict.
• National strategy: Creating a unified national strategy to handle migration issues.
• International cooperation: Securing global and diaspora cooperation to ensure future peace.

The First Lady of the country, esteemed Ambassadors of Italy and Japan, all international guests, Mr. Setiz, and all academic personalities, sisters and brothers; Peace be upon you and the mercy of Allah and His blessings!

In the past forty years, we can find fewer Afghans who have not been forced, themselves or their family members, to leave their homes and hearths. During the last four decades, millions of Afghans have been compelled to live far from their country and endure the hardships of life and displacement. In this long duration, five generations of us Afghans have faced forced life abroad or away from home within the country, and this heart-wrenching pain of ours has not yet ended.

Therefore, it can be said that from both an emotional and sentimental perspective, as well as from a national perspective, external migration and internal displacement are among the most significant issues facing the people of Afghanistan. We have felt the pain of displacement with our very flesh and skin. The memories of our country's women and men, and contemporary Afghan literature, are filled with images of ruined villages, scorched fields, and destroyed lives.

The suffering of displacement is the shared pain of the people of this land, and we clearly understand that the stability and prosperity of Afghanistan are directly linked to a sustainable solution for the problems of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs).

In the minutes I am with you, I first want to say welcome and thank you, and then focus more on two or three points:

1. Understanding and explaining the problems and opportunities inherent in the lives of refugees and IDPs in their various dimensions.

2. The necessity of an all-encompassing Afghan roadmap in cooperation with the countries of the region and the world to implement a grand national policy.

3. Serious and urgent actions for structural changes to resolve this great national dilemma.

First of all, I welcome from the bottom of my heart all our international guests—sisters and brothers—who have come from Tajikistan, Iran, Pakistan, Zambia, Turkey, and other countries. Second, I thank the Afghan specialists, my university colleagues, and especially Mr. Setiz. Third, I thank the international organizations and the European Union, who will be a great partner in our future roadmap for peace and creating conditions to solve the refugee issue, as well as UN agencies, the countries of Japan, Italy, and all other participating nations.

Fourth, I thank the honorable Minister and especially Dr. Aalma and her colleagues for organizing this symposium and preparing the conditions for a useful and comprehensive discourse between Afghan specialists, government colleagues, and our international experts.

But most importantly, I express my deepest respect to every internally displaced person, every refugee, and every sister and brother who has experienced the pain of displacement and migration. I myself was a refugee for 24 years. There are few people in this government who have not seen the pain of migration; therefore, this is an issue whose depth we truly understand.

At the same time, I have read all the articles submitted here, and not only those—I have also read the Oxford Handbook of Refugees. There are 66 articles in that book, and the fundamental issue is that analytically, there is still no consensus in refugee studies. Those 66 articles provided 66 different definitions. While works like the key book by Barbara Harrell-Bond changed our perspective, a scientific consensus that translates into specific policies does not yet exist among you, and I see this as an opportunity. It is hoped that Afghan researchers and our international partners will take the lead so that this consensus emerges.

Regarding the first topic—understanding and explaining problems and opportunities: Between 1979 and 2002, such a large number of people left Afghanistan that there are few examples like it in contemporary world history. Do not forget that in those years, the international community wanted refugees. Every refugee who went there became an international news story. Back then, a decision was made that the resistance should not happen from within the country, but everything should be done from the outside. We are still living with the consequences of that decision.

The resistance that took place in Panjshir most likely could have happened in hundreds of other valleys, but it was prevented. Conversely, the centers of our sacred Jihad were established far from the country, and the result was that the state-building process faced severe difficulties. Despite this, in the past ten to fifteen years, millions of Afghans have returned to their homeland, but millions more still live in migration abroad or spend their days and nights as internally displaced persons.

We are proud that millions of Afghans have returned home. Especially in the past three years, Afghanistan has been among those countries where more than one million refugees have returned. We have shared our "half-loaf of bread" with one another, but we still have millions of people outside the country. I do not use precise statistics because even though the United Nations and others have worked with us for 40 years, we still do not clearly know how many refugees we have in Pakistan, how many are in Iran, or how many are in Turkey, Central Asia, and let alone the Gulf. We are making policy in a vacuum of accurate data. We do not fundamentally know our refugees; we do not know what assets they possess.

My point is that Afghans left as individuals or families, but today they have organized structures and comprehensive capital abroad. As Mr. Setiz said, this is an opportunity for us to view the refugee as a dignified Afghan who not only provides for their own life but also brings positive change to the lives of millions of other Afghans inside the country. Our refugees in Iran alone transfer an estimated $500 million annually to Afghanistan; similarly, our refugees in the Gulf transfer hundreds of millions, as do those in Europe, North America, Australia, and elsewhere. A positive portrayal of refugees is an urgent necessity for us.

In terms of quantity, Afghanistan is one of two countries in the modern world where almost every resident has been forced to leave their home once or even several times. I will remember the words of a woman from Kunduz until my last breath. She told me: "This is the fourth time I have built my house, and it burns again. What kind of country is this? Every time I build my home, it catches fire." And these fires are still burning. They burned yesterday, they burned the day before, and the same situation continues today. Preventing these fires is our conscientious, national, and Islamic duty.

The second important characteristic of our people's migration phenomenon is that it is a multi-generational phenomenon. We have refugees from different periods over the last four decades. We have a third generation who knows the name of their village but is not familiar with the rest of Afghanistan. Why do you blame those refugees in Iran who do not know Pashto, or those in Pakistan who do not know Dari? Is this their fault or ours? When they return, where are they supposed to have learned it? It is our duty to provide the conditions for them.

In the past, every Afghan knew two or three national languages. If we do not provide these conditions now, why blame them? Anyone who looks down upon a refugee looks down upon the national dignity of Afghanistan! The refugee is our pride; they are our honor!

The third characteristic of our migration phenomenon is that, in addition to external displacement, we have internally displaced persons (IDPs). Very little attention has been paid to our IDPs. I will never forget a time I was in Spin Boldak; Mr. Shirzai was the Governor of Kandahar. It was the first year I had returned [to Afghanistan], and he arranged for me to meet with IDPs. I saw great landowners wearing only a single pair of clothes. In Afghan culture, it is rare to see elders and youth cry for two hours straight, but they wept continuously because their homes had been seized by others and they had been forcibly evicted. We are still producing more displaced persons every day—war, conflict, and lawlessness produce them.

Furthermore, our cities are largely the result of migration. Seventeen years ago, when I came to Kabul, I traveled to Chahar Asyab and from there to Logar, Paktia, and Khost. In Bini Hisar, I saw sacks of onions. I stopped to ask where they were taking them, and they said, "To Pakistan!" In 2001, there wasn't enough money for Bini Hisar's onions to even be consumed within Kabul.

The point is that our cities are the product of internal migration or repatriation. It is truly a miracle of God that there is peace in our cities; this is the result of the social capital, trust, and national sentiment of Afghans. Kabul then had about 400,000 people; today it has increased tenfold, yet it maintains its own order. This order was brought by society and by the refugees themselves.

The Complexity of the Diaspora

Our people's migration is vast in its geographic scope. We are in Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, neighboring countries, Arab nations, Russia, and Turkey. The word "refugee" does not mean the same thing everywhere. Emotionally, we are all Afghans, but from a sociological and anthropological perspective, specific analyses are required.

I welcome the research papers presented here, but many were too general. Giddens' ideas are from decades ago; today's Europe is acting against Giddens' theories. The models of "Multidimensional Citizenship" written twenty years ago are no longer practical—in fact, the current reality is the opposite. We must re-evaluate the models we think are feasible.

Another point: we left as individuals, but today we are organized communities. In Pakistan alone, hundreds of thousands of Afghan students are educated by organizations run by refugees themselves. The amount of Afghan capital among refugees reaches into the tens of billions of dollars. Look at our human capital—if we view Afghan society as one where everyone who feels Afghan is included, our human capital is immensely strong. All of this must be utilized.

Beyond Mechanical Solutions

With all due respect, our refugee reintegration plans have been far too mechanical. The policies proposed to us were framed without a deep understanding of the conditions, dimensions, and opportunities. I am grateful to the UNHCR, but four hundred dollars and four bags of flour do not solve a refugee’s problem. A refugee's challenge isn't just moving from one country to another; the country they claim emotionally must truly become theirs. If they lack land, water, jobs, and equal participation in society, the conditions are not right.

Therefore, we must reconsider everything. The refugee issue is similar to the issues of youth, nomads (Kochi), and the disabled. One ministry cannot solve this. Can Singapore solve its aging population problem simply by creating a "Ministry for the Elderly"? No, they adjusted their entire government system to think about it. Does women's participation happen through a few ceremonial posts, or by integrating women into all levels of government? We must think seriously about the root causes and the solutions.

The Rule of Law and National Capital

I will not speak in excessive detail—part of my speech is written and part is oral—but what has been the primary cause of our ruin? In my view, it is the lack of consensus on the "rules of the game" and a lack of a lasting legal system. When Martyr Daoud Khan staged a coup, did he weigh the consequences of changing a legal system? When he was martyred, the system collapsed. The Communists came via a coup—what were their slogans versus their actions?

We must reach a clear conclusion on the rules of the game: our Constitution. Outside a clear framework of the rule of law, we cannot solve our fundamental problems. Money is not the cure. If money were the cure, the billions of dollars that arrived would have prevented one-third of Afghans from going to bed hungry today. Money is a tool; without a clear plan and national commitment, money only increases the problem.

We should look at successful experiences, like those in China and India. China's use of its international diaspora is unparalleled; their returnees were a major factor in China’s economic change. This is why I say we must change the negative mindset that returnees are somehow "outsiders." No Afghan should be looked down upon. We have deep bonds of national unity. Who gives an Afghan the right to tell another, "You are not Afghan"? Our arms must be open.

Look at India’s experience with its Ministry of Overseas Indians. If you see India’s transformation in IT, a huge part of it came from Indians in California, New York, and Boston who returned. See the international Afghan diaspora as a wealth. Whether they come for a week or forever, they are a national asset.

The mindset created in Parliament regarding dual citizenship—despite the Constitution being clear—is contradictory when some members themselves hold dual passports yet impose different laws on ministers. We must judge an Afghan by their commitment. Our languages—Dari, which was an international language for a millennium; our Turkic languages, which connect us to Central Asia; and Pashto—are all tools of our connection and our future prosperity.

Why do you consider your own capital to be small? The richness of Afghanistan—its cultural wealth, the richness of its languages, and the power of its connections—this is our fundamental asset. These refugees are more valuable than the mines beneath the earth or the water on its surface. Tell me, can you utilize those other assets without these people?

Why do you cut off your own hands? Have we not brought in hundreds of thousands of foreigners? Have we not paid the highest salaries to tens of thousands of foreign experts? And what was the result? Can the compassion an Afghan shows for you be bought with anything else? It is essential that our mindset changes. I thank this symposium for providing the opportunity to address this.

Learning from Ireland

My third example is Ireland. Ireland was once one of the poorest countries in Europe; its fundamental transformation lay in the reintegration of its diaspora. I mention Ireland because they maintained their identity across generations. Can you tell an Irish-American that they are not Irish? Even after 150 years, they still wear green on their national day. Utilizing these sentiments positively is a key point.

When people left their country in times of intense nationalism, some called it treason. But no Afghan has left their country voluntarily; it was out of necessity. Once you understand that necessity, our arms must be wide open so we can all unite again.

Pillars of Structural Change

What have we done in these four years, and what must happen next? I emphasize these structural actions:

1. The Rule of Law: I hope it has been proven that both the Supreme Court and the Attorney General’s Office are in a state of fundamental transformation. If anyone can provide an example where I interfered in the content of a judicial decision, I will resign. The rule of law arrives only when it is first applied to the President; I myself am subject to the law. We have passed 390 laws, decrees, and regulations in these four and a half years to give the Constitution its "doors, windows, and ornaments."

2. Defining Key Government Functions: There was a trend of calling some ministries "key" and others "not key." I do not recognize a "non-key" department. If you think the Ministry of Interior is key but Education is not, think again. If a department is not necessary, it should be abolished. We have worked to ensure every ministry understands its policy and structure.

3. Large National Programs: From the Citizen’s Charter to urban renewal, programs are being implemented at the village and district levels. We have fundamentally changed municipalities. I personally interviewed candidates for mayors and reviewed 120 plans. Some criticized me for focusing on municipalities, but brothers and sisters, if you don't think at the level of the village and the city, you are just dreaming. Today, the Law on Municipalities has been amended for the first time in a century. We have also created the Land Bank (Bank-e-Zamin). This is the best news for refugees. Previously, the government didn't even know its own properties; schools were delayed because we couldn't stabilize land ownership. Now, we can plan.

4. Institutionalizing the Presidency: The Presidency is no longer individual-centered; it is institution-centered. Our High Councils provide a platform for constructive national debate without censorship. Most importantly, we do not see the key to Afghanistan’s prosperity in foreign aid. We see it in the maximum use of Afghan physical and human capital.

   • Water: I have said our water is our honor. I have taken insults from the region for this, but I am proud of those insults. I am protecting this country's water!

   • Mines: Our minerals are not charity for someone to take with a one-page contract. We are ensuring transparency so these contracts serve future generations.

   • Cultural Capital: On the 100th anniversary of independence, you will see the restoration of historical buildings from King Amanullah Khan’s era—Darul Aman Palace, and palaces in Paghman and Jabul Saraj.

5. Agriculture and Value Chains: The national program for agriculture is standing on its feet. When I talked about pine nuts (Jalghoza), people laughed. Now, 500 tons have gone to China alone, and 4,000 tons are moving via the Lapis Lazuli corridor. We ignored our wealth because we lacked value chains. How long do you want this country's wealth to be used by 17th-century methods while others take the profit? We must put our resources to work. Agriculture is key because, without it, we cannot organize the lives of returning refugees.

6. Security, Stability, and Peace The security and defense forces of Afghanistan are the pride of this nation. I am proud of them, and they have proven to be the true children of Afghanistan. Do you think people sacrifice their lives for a mere 15,000 or 30,000 Afghanis? When someone embraces a suicide bomber and loses their life to save the lives of hundreds of others, what could their motivation be? It can be nothing other than their love for this homeland and for God. Our security and defense forces are our honor; they provide the guarantee that, God willing, a strong and perceptive state will be built, and they will protect the rights of refugees.