Dr. Ashraf Ghani

Keypoints:

Constitutional Equality: The Afghan Constitution guarantees equal rights and citizenship for all Afghans.
Islamic Foundation: The Constitution is fully Islamic and rooted in Afghanistan’s religious heritage.
Implementation Challenge: The central task is translating constitutional vision into reality after decades of conflict.
Women as Equal Citizens: Women must be recognized in their own right, not only through family roles.
From Rhetoric to Action: Commitments to women’s rights must be budgeted, measurable, and enforceable.
Cultural and Religious Context: Gender equality must be grounded in Islamic values and Afghan culture.
Mindset and Institutional Change: Sustainable progress requires changing attitudes, systems, and participation.
Women and Peace: Lasting peace depends on meaningful—not symbolic—women’s participation

Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs, distinguished members of the Cabinet, Chairperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, our sister Dr. Sima Samar, Bibi Gul, esteemed ambassadors, brothers and sisters: Aslamualikom.

Our Constitution is a national charter in which a comprehensive vision of citizenship and equality of every Afghan with every other Afghan has been enshrined. It goes beyond the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is descriptive; our Constitution obliges the State to make the rights of each Afghan and their equality with others a practical reality. Therefore, our international commitments are not merely moral; they are grounded in our Constitution.

This Constitution is one hundred percent Islamic. Accordingly, all beliefs, rulings, customs, and the rich heritage of our Islamic civilization are incorporated within it. The objective of the National Unity Government is simple: the full realization of the Afghan Constitution. There should be no dispute over these objectives, which have been affirmed by national consensus through the Constitutional Loya Jirga and repeatedly reaffirmed.

What is our challenge? The problem is not only the current state of affairs, which is the product of forty years of war, conflict, misfortune, and above all, poverty. The challenge is the transition from this present condition to the vision enshrined in the Constitution.

Afghanistan has a numerical majority that is politically and economically a minority: women, youth, and impoverished Afghans. Women likely constitute the majority of our society, especially because decades of conflict have altered the natural demographic ratio of approximately 104 girls to every 100 boys at birth.

Among the four strategic goals we have set, the greatest challenge is creating conditions in which Afghan women, as enshrined in the Constitution, stand alongside Afghan men to form a prosperous, law-abiding, and purposeful society.

The first principle is clear: women must be recognized as women, with their perspectives considered in their own right—not merely as sisters, mothers, or daughters. These roles are secondary. We have long spoken of men as “our brothers, our fathers, our sons,” but fundamental reflection is needed, and this perspective must be operationalized across all branches of government.

To genuinely consider women’s perspectives, we must move from rhetoric to action. Afghanistan has produced excellent plans over the past fourteen years; however, too often these plans have remained aspirational. Our plans must be realistic and actionable, and they must be integrated into the national budget. Commitments cannot remain on paper. Thought and action must be united, as they are in our faith.

Our obligations must take the form of budgeted commitments. Afghanistan’s budget must clearly show, year by year and decade by decade, how resources will be allocated to women’s empowerment, participation, security, and specifically the creation of a safe environment for women. This will make our social contract measurable and targeted.

Therefore, the National Action Plan must be transformed into budgeted, actionable policy—a fundamental principle.

The fabric of our society is grounded in Islam. Our challenge is the limited understanding of Islamic culture, civilization, and history. We are a profoundly faithful society, yet largely unaware of our own heritage. The most important issue is the relationship between men and women and the role of women in society. Without embedding these within Islamic principles, no progress can be achieved.

Consider this: Lady Khadija (RA) was the wealthiest merchant in Arabia, not second, third, or fourth, but among the foremost. If Lady Aisha (RA) had not existed, thousands of Hadiths accepted by consensus would not have survived. Lady Fatima (RA) chose to marry Ali (RA), rather than wealthy or influential suitors, despite hundreds seeking her hand.

We must understand our origins and direction. Development programs divorced from culture and civilization will fail. Gender issues must be addressed within the framework of culture, but culture is not static—it evolves. Sustainable change arises not from changing clothing, but from changing minds and networks. Our goal is profound, lasting change, not superficial adjustment.

This message is especially vital for our youth: abandon misogynistic thinking. Unfortunately, gender bias persists even among the most educated. A fundamental, deep discussion is required. Religious scholars and women’s rights activists must develop a shared language; without it, progress will be difficult. The government is ready—and I am personally ready—to facilitate this dialogue.

What is our connection to global consensus? The United Nations is a mechanism for building global consensus. When the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted, the Islamic world endorsed it. Of the four principal authors of the Declaration, one was French, one Canadian, one Lebanese, and one Chinese. I had the honor of studying under Professor Charles Malik,¹ one of the founders of the Declaration.

Global consensus is not an imposition; it is the result of shared understanding. Constitutions worldwide, including ours, transform shared aspirations into enforceable commitments. Each state must implement these principles according to its own context.

We must ground these efforts in stability and institutional foundations. Our current state structures cannot implement this program alone. All three branches of government must collaborate. Legislative, executive, and judicial representatives must actively participate.

I am proud to have nominated the first woman to Afghanistan’s Supreme Court and remain hopeful that our brothers and sisters will take this historic step. Thanks to God, we now have over 245 female judges. The inclusion of women in the Supreme Court does not disrupt the judicial system; Afghan women have served in the judiciary for more than forty years, with full scholarly consensus.

In the Cabinet, we have fulfilled our commitments. Ambassadors, governors, and department heads: all major ministries must ensure at least one female deputy minister. Participation must be institutionalized from village councils to the Office of the President.

We must also establish institutions enabling women to provide education to other women independently. Significant obstacles remain in women’s education: early adolescence poses the first challenge, eighteen years of age the second, and in provinces such as Badakhshan, despite investment, we face educated women without employment—a situation that is unacceptable.

Accordingly, the first women’s university in Afghanistan is being established with the support of Turkey: the Mawlana Jalaluddin Rumi University will now serve female students exclusively. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to President Erdogan for this support.

Women’s health remains insufficient. While maternal and child mortality has declined, health programs in some provinces have stagnated or worsened. Last week I reviewed data showing serious deterioration in women’s health in provinces most in need. I met with the Minister of Public Health, colleagues, and international partners to address these issues; stagnation or regression is unacceptable. The health program will be comprehensively reviewed to ensure sustainable, improved delivery of services.

Afghan women have borne the greatest impact of war, and they call with one voice: this imposed conflict must end. Peace is sustainable only if the second chapter of the Constitution—the rights of Afghan citizens—is respected. The Constitution provides immutable guidance: the principles of Islam and the rights and duties of Afghan citizens.

We accept no peace from a position of weakness; Afghan women’s participation in peace and negotiations must be real, not ceremonial.

I thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, especially the Office for International Human Rights, our sister Khajista Ibrahimkhel and her colleagues; the Deputy Minister of Political Affairs, Hikmat Khan Karzai; the Minister; and all involved institutions.

I also extend gratitude to Finland, which consistently supports our legal institutions and the implementation of constitutional rights, and to UN agencies, especially those focused on women. Our international partners deserve our profound appreciation.

Today, women’s contributions to peace, stability, and prosperity in Afghanistan are the result of shared efforts and sacrifices. I thank all Afghan and international personnel who served alongside us, many of whom were wounded, and the thousands who sacrificed for our homeland. I also thank all countries contributing to our stabilization mission.

Fundamental change in Afghanistan is impossible without regional cooperation. All our neighbors—from India to Azerbaijan and Russia—are partners in Afghan peace and stability. Today’s imposed conflict affects the entire region: in Kunduz province alone, fighters from ten different countries are present.

Afghanistan bears the sacrifices, and the region must reach a unified consensus. Islamic jurisprudence also offers consensus: terrorism is defined in Afghanistan and across the Muslim world, and neighboring Pakistan has defined it constitutionally. Islamic and UN definitions of terrorism must align.

Governments must learn that instability in one country breeds instability globally. A stable Afghanistan threatens no one; conversely, active Afghan women can catalyze transformative regional change.

Finally, no one should assume that if Afghanistan falters, we will abandon our land. We have safeguarded this territory for five thousand years; we will continue to do so, giving any sacrifice required.

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